Let me remind you of the four different “mission mechanisms”at work to bless other peoples: 1) going voluntarily, 2)involuntarily going without missionary intent, 3) coming voluntarily, and 4) coming involuntarily (as with Gentiles forcibly settled in Israel—2 Kings 17).
As in the case of the Norsemen in England, one of the most
obvious means by which conversion could have occurred was through intermarriage
and the cultural integration that this would entail. There are some signs that
the Norse pirates in France, as elsewhere, were overwhelmingly male. In his
study of Scandinavian personal names attested in Normandy between 911 and 1066,
Jean Adigard des Gautries managed to identify seventy-nine masculine Norse names, but
only three feminine names.
Moreover, a good argument can be
made that many of the Norman settlers integrated very quickly into Frankish,
Carolingian civilization. This was probably especially true in those areas
where the Norman establishment consisted not of the creation of Scandinavian
communities, but rather of a political takeover by a military elite, obviously
made up exclusively of men. The evidence for this speedy assimilation is mostly
negative, but still striking. There is absolutely no Norman equivalent to the
Scandinavian-inspired sculpture found throughout England.
On a more abstract level, the
Vikings seem to have generally taken over and left intact many native
institutions, since by the eleventh century, when documents become available,
it is clear that rural estates had preserved essentially Carolingian features
and that ducal government operated largely through mechanisms which were
inspired by Carolingian notions of authority.
Both of these factors suggest the sudden integration brought
about by intermarriage, not the creation of Scandinavian communities. Assuming
that these men must have taken Frankish, Christian wives, their children, like
the children of mixed Scandinavian-English marriages, would surely have been
drawn into the dominant Christian culture of their mothers’ families.
There are indications of Oda’s evangelizing work, however,
that are more concrete than his young kinsman’s schooling. Noting that Oda’s pontificate
was “a notable period in diocesan reorganization”, R. R. Darlington once
remarked, “it is probably not by accident that the sees of Elmham and Lindsey
reappear while Oda was archbishop.” Even as bishop of Ramsbury, Oda was surely
able to promote religious foundations in eastern England, for although Ramsbury
is not in the Danelaw, it was an extremely important diocese from which further
archbishops of Canterbury after Oda, such as Sigeric the Serious and Ælfric,
came. Anyone who achieved such a position would enjoy favor and influence with
the secular rulers and would be in a position to have some bearing on the
decisions of other bishops. He could have urged the promotion of Theodred to
the bishopric of London c. 931. From Theodred’s will, we know that as bishop of
London, he also administered churches in at least Suffolk, if not the whole of
East Anglia. Dorothy Whitelock, in fact, suggests that he could have been chosen
specifically to reorganize the area of the former Danelaw. His will mentions a
number of small religious establishments in East Anglia whose interests he had
presumably promoted. He was certainly responsible for the re-establishment of
an identifiable diocese in East Anglia, for in 956, Eadulf, Bishop of Elmham,
made his profession to Oda.
As this was the first diocese to be organized in East Anglia
since the Viking conquest, it came to function simply as the bishopric of East
Anglia for well over a century. On one occasion, King Eadwig (955-59) made a
grant of land to Oda at Southwell. This site later became the core of the
Nottinghamshire diocese, suggesting that Oda must have quickly taken the
opportunity to use the site as a base from which to promote the Christian
cause. Paul Cavill suggests that Oda’s promotion to Canterbury in 942 may well
have been because of his success in promoting and reorganizing the Church in
heavily Scandinavianareas. Just a few years earlier Olaf Sihtricsson (generally
known as Amlaíb Cúarán), the Irish-Norse king defeated at the Battle of
Brunanburh in 937, had reneged on his promises and had re-taken Northumbria.
King Edmund was therefore forced to make an advance into Northumbria. It is
likely that in considering the permanent re-conquest of Northumbria, Edmund
recognized the value of a churchman of Danish ancestry who could help the
church advance in Danish areas and incorporate it into the structure of the
rest of the English Church.
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